The orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation (part 2 of 3)

Part One

    In this series of posts, we’re looking at the doctrine of the Incarnation as it was historically elaborated in the Christological controversies of the fourth through seventh centuries. We’ve already looked at St Cyril of Alexandria and the Nestorian controversy. St Cyril showed, against Nestorius, that Jesus Christ is one concrete subject from two natures, divinity and humanity, which he termed “hypostatic union.” As he frequently said, the difference between the natures is not confused by the union, but they cannot in any way be divided in reality. The divine Son of the Father and the human son of Mary are one and the same, whose life, death, and resurrection are what saves us and unites us to God.

    This certainly wasn’t the end of controversy, however. Shortly after Cyril’s death, in 448, a monk and archimandrite named Eutyches who had been a member of Cyril’s party against Nestorius was charged with heresy and brought before the synod of Constantinople. The bishops present there – led by St Flavian, bishop of Constantinople – concluded from Cyril’s Second Letter to Nestorius and the Formula of Reunion that it was necessary to confess Christ as “from two natures” and “in two natures” after the incarnation. Eutyches, on the other hand, said (when pressed) that “I confess that our Lord was from two natures before the union, but after the union, one nature”; and refused to think “that the body of our Lord and God was consubstantial with us.” [12] His condemnation for holding these views sparked another period of strife for the Church.

“He who is true God is also true human”

     In response to this judgment, Eutyches appealed to the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Jerusalem and Thessalonica to vindicate him. This appeal was heard by the emperor St Theodosius II through the influence of Eutyches’ godson, the powerful eunuch Chrysaphius, at the emperor’s court. Theodosius II therefore called an ecumenical council at Ephesus to be held later in 449. The council of Ephesus (II) was to be chaired by Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria, who had been a hardliner within Cyril’s party and saw this as an opportunity to defeat a new Nestorius (i.e., St Flavian) and get rid of the pesky Antiochene party with whom St Cyril had made peace in 433. Although the proceedings of Ephesus II were hotly contested afterward, Dioscorus was later – as Cyril had been at Ephesus I – accused of using force and intimidation at the council. Flavian was deposed and died under mysterious circumstances, while Domnus II of Antioch, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Ibas of Edessa, and others were also removed.

    Prior to Ephesus II, both Eutyches and Flavian had written to St Leo bishop of Rome to try and get him on their side. Leo concluded that Eutyches had fallen ignorantly into heresy in his old age and wrote a letter back to Flavian, now known as the Tome of Leo, to help teach Eutyches and bring him back to the orthodox faith. Dioscorus prevented this letter from being read at Ephesus II, and the deacon St Hilary, the Roman representative at the council, formally objected to the council and escaped with difficulty. [13] St Leo’s Tome was later read and proclaimed to be orthodox at the council of Chalcedon (451) which overturned Ephesus II. Thus, it’s worth looking at this text to discover the orthodox Christology that was presented at Chalcedon.

    The Tome begins with a condensed creed:

The whole multitude of the faithful... believes in God the Father Almighty, and in Christ Jesus his only-begotten Son our Lord, born from the Holy Spirit and Mary the Virgin – three declarations by which the machinations of virtually all the heretics are defeated. (2a) [14]

St Leo seeks to show that this creed implies the two natures of Christ. Because God is the Father, “the Son is also revealed as coeternal with him, in no respect differing from the Father, since he is God from God” (2b). It is the same subject, “the eternal only-begotten of the eternal Father,” who “was born from the Holy Spirit and Mary the Virgin; this birth in time neither subtracted anything from his divine and eternal birth nor added anything to it” (2b). Leo continues into soteriology: we could not defeat sin and death unless “he whom neither sin could defile nor death detain... [had] assumed our nature and made it his own” (2b).

    If the Creed isn’t enough for Eutyches, then the Scriptures also show that Jesus Christ was truly born as a human (2c). Matthew refers to “the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham” (1:1). Paul says that “his Son... came to be from the seed of David according to the flesh” (Rom 1:1-3). Abraham was promised, “In your seed all the nations will be blessed” (Gen 22:18), and that seed “is Christ” (Gal 3:16). Isaiah prophesied that “the Virgin will conceive in her womb and will bear a son, and they will call his name... God with us” (7:14), and “A child has been born for us... and they will call his name Angel of great counsel, mighty God” (9:6). This refutes Eutyches’ view that “the Word became flesh in such a way that Christ born from the Virgin possessed human form but did not possess the truth of his mother’s body” (2c). [15]

    Perhaps the reason Eutyches thinks “that Christ the Lord is not of our nature” is because of Luke 1:35, which says that the Holy Spirit would come upon Mary, so that the one who is born “will be called the Son of God.” But the uniqueness of Christ’s birth has no bearing on “the distinctive property [proprietas] of the race” (2d). “For the Holy Spirit gave the Virgin fruitfulness, but the truth of the body was taken from [her] body, and when ‘Wisdom built itself a house’ [Prov 9:1], ‘the Word became flesh and dwelt among us’ [John 1:14], that is, in this body which he took from man and which he animated with the spirit of a rational life” (2d).

    Having proven that Jesus Christ is both truly divine and truly human, Leo describes the true unity of these two natures:

With, therefore, the distinctive character of each nature being preserved and coming together into one person, lowliness was assumed by divinity, impotence by power, mortality by immortality; and for the payment of the debt owed by our nature the divine nature was united to the passible nature, so that – this fitting our cure – one and the same, being ‘the mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus’ [1 Tim 2:6], would be able to die in respect of the one and would not be able to expire in respect of the other. Therefore in the pure and perfect nature of true man true God was born, complete in what is his own and complete in what is ours. (3a)

His statement about “each nature... coming together into one person [unum personam]” is unfortunately ambiguous, since the Latin persona can refer both to a person’s external manifestation (Greek prosōpon) and their concrete subjectivity (Greek hypostasis). Nestorius confessed that Christ is one prosōpon, but saw both a divine and a human hypostasis. This ambiguity may contribute to the later non-Chalcedonian claim that the Tome is Nestorian. However, since St Leo says that Christ is “one and the same,” it’s clear that he sees Christ as a single concrete subject.

    The “ours” in which Christ is complete is the nature that God created in the beginning and restored, not the sin which the devil added (3b). He thus “assumed the form of a servant without any defilement of sin, augmenting the human without lessening the divine” (3b). In other words, “the one who while remaining in the form of God created man, himself in the form of a servant became man”; neither nature or form is diminished by the presence of the other (3b). Because humanity was deceived by the devil and stripped of immortality, and God’s justice required the loss of our original honor, we needed “the dispensation of the ineffable mystery” so that God’s goodness would be revealed toward us and we could be restored (3c).

    The next section is the central part of the letter in which St Leo describes the “ineffable mystery,” that is, the Incarnation. It’s worth quoting in full:

Therefore the Son of God enters this lowly state of the world, descending from his heavenly throne without being separated from the glory of the Father, born by a new order and a new birth – by a new order because, although invisible in what is his own, he became visible at our level and, although incomprehensible, he willed to be comprehended and, while remaining eternal, he began to be in time and, although master of the universe, he received a servile form, after veiling the greatness of his own Godhead; the impassible God did not disdain being a passible man, nor the immortal one to submit to the laws of death. And he was born by a new birth, since inviolate virginity, without experiencing desire, provided the material of the flesh. There was taken from the mother of the Lord nature but not sin; nor, because in the Lord Jesus Christ born from the womb of the Virgin the generation is a marvellous one, is his nature for this reason unlike ours. For the one who is true God is himself also true man.

And there is no deceit in this union, in that both are with each other, both the lowliness of the man and the greatness of the Godhead; for just as God does not undergo change through compassion, so the man is not consumed by the greatness of divine dignity. For each form performs what is proper to it in communion with the other, the Word achieving what is the Word’s, while the body accomplishes what is the body’s; the one shines with miracles, while the other has succumbed to outrages. Just as the Word is inseparable from equality with the glory of the Father, so the body has not abandoned the nature of our race. For one and the same is truly Son of God and truly son of man, God in that ‘in the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God’ [John 1:1], man in that ‘the Word became flesh and dwelt among us’ [John 1:14], God in that ‘through him all things came into being, and without him not one thing came into being’ [John 1:3], man in that ‘he came into being from a woman, and came into being under the law’ [Gal 4:4].

The generation of the incarnation is a display of human nature, while the childbearing of the Virgin provides an indication of divine power; and the infancy of the child is recognized through the meanness of the swaddling clothes, while the greatness of his majesty is shown by the voices of the angels. He whom Herod impiously plots to kill is like human beings newly born, but it is the master of the universe whom the Magi rejoice to worship with supplication. And when he came to the baptism of his forerunner John, in order that he should not escape notice because his Godhead was hidden by the veil of flesh, the voice of the Father resounding from heaven said, ‘This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased’ [Matt 3:17]. Accordingly he who as man is tempted by the devil’s craftiness is served as God by the rank of the angels. For to hunger and thirst, to be weary and to sleep are confessedly human, but to satisfy five thousand men with five loaves and to give the Samaritan woman living water, which, when she drew it, made her never thirst again, to walk on the surface of the sea without one’s feet being wetted, and to still the surging of the waves by rebuking the swell is without doubt of God.

As therefore, to pass over most of the instances, it is not of the same nature to weep for a dead friend from a disposition of pity and, when the mound of a burial already four days old was demolished, to raise him up to new life by a command of the voice, or to be hung on the cross and to shake all the elements, changed from night to day, or to be pierced with the nails and to open the gates of paradise to the faith of the thief, so also it is not of the same nature to say, ‘I and the Father are one’ [John 10:30], and to say, ‘My father is greater than I’ [John 14:28]. For although indeed in the Lord Jesus Christ there is one person of God and man, nevertheless that because of which the outrage is common in both is one thing and that because of which the glory is common is another. For he has from us the humanity that is less than the Father, and he has from the Father the Godhead that is equal with the Father. (4)

    This passage of Leo’s Tome was controversial, both at the council of Chalcedon and afterward, as some saw the language of each nature “performing what is proper to it” (even though “in communion with the other”) as Nestorian. However, throughout the entire section, it’s one “he” who’s the subject of both divine and human activities. St Leo’s point is that we can – and indeed must – distinguish what is divine and what is human in Christ, even though these aren’t separable in reality. Each of the couplets shows that Christ’s human activities (e.g., being conceived) are performed divinely (e.g., by a virgin), and vice versa. Leo’s argument here, and the Tome as a whole, is summed up by his statement that “the one who is true God is also himself true man... one and the same is truly Son of God and truly son of man” (4ab).

Because, then, of this union of person that needs to be conceived in each nature we also acknowledge that the Son of man came down from heaven, when the Son of God assumed the body from the Virgin from whom he was born, and again the Son of God is said to have been crucified and buried, when he endured these things not in the Godhead itself in which he is only-begotten, coeternal and consubstantial with the Father, but in the weakness of his human nature. Whence it is that in the creed itself we all acknowledge the only-begotten Son of God crucified and buried, according to that apostolic saying, ‘For if they had known, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory’ [1 Cor 2:8]. (5a)

    In other words, the union of divinity and humanity in one person means that the attributes of both belong to one subject, so we can say that the Son of Man came down from heaven and the same Son of God was born, crucified, and buried. When Jesus asked his disciples, “Who do you say that I am?,” and Peter replied, “You are the Christ, the Son of the living God,” this shows that it’s necessary to confess one person as both Son of God and Christ (i.e., an anointed human; 5b). Likewise, when the Crucified one rose again, he appeared to his disciples by entering a room with a closed door, bestowing the Holy Spirit, and revealing divine secrets, while also showing the bodily wounds of his suffering. This was so “that we might learn in this way that the Word is not the same as the flesh, but might acknowledge that both the Word and the flesh are the one Son of God” (5c).

    Therefore, Eutyches is wrong when he “fails to acknowledge our nature in the only-begotten of God,” and he thereby denies that “Jesus Christ has come in the flesh” and “divides” him (1 John 4:2-3) from his humanity (5d). If he denies that Jesus has a truly human body, then he must also deny Jesus’ true suffering and true blood, despite Sts Peter and John (1 Pet 1:18-19; 1 John 1:7; 5:4-8) who say that we are saved by the blood of Jesus (5e). The faith of the Church is that “neither the humanity without the true divinity, nor the divinity without the true humanity, may be believed [to exist]” (5e). Eutyches’ statement, “I profess that our Lord was from two natures before the union, but after the union I profess one nature,” is therefore utterly reprehensible, and he should be taught and given the opportunity to repent (6).

“Leo and Cyril taught the same!”

    At the council of Chalcedon, the creeds of Nicaea (325) and Constantinople (381) along with the letters of St Cyril to Nestorius (Second Letter) and John of Antioch (Letter 39, with the Formula of Reunion) were read, all of which were acclaimed by the bishops (Acts of Chalcedon II.9-20). The Tome of Leo, which was prevented from being read at Ephesus II, was then read (II.21-22). According to the acts of the council, then “the most devout bishops exclaimed [among other things]... ‘Leo and Cyril taught the same’” (II.23). However, many hardline Cyrillians, both at the time and later, saw the Tome as Nestorian. So did St Leo and St Cyril really teach the same doctrine?

    Chalcedon wasn’t merely intended to be the victory of Leonine Christology (except, perhaps, for the emperor St Marcian whose main purpose was to reunite with the West). The council was really about who the genuine theological successors of Cyril were: the Alexandrian hardliners, like Eutyches and Dioscorus, who rejected union with the Antiochenes, or the more moderate Cyrillians who accepted “two natures” (when interpreted correctly)? In fact, the bishops were so loyal to St Cyril that even Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who had been one of Cyril’s chief opponents, had to quote him to defend the Tome (II.26). The Illyrian bishops, who were sympathetic to the hardline position, were given several days to examine the Tome and see if it agreed with Cyril (II.29ff). [16] Therefore, even if the Tome can be interpreted in a Nestorian way, the council was determined to accept it only as Cyrillian.

    How congruent really was St Leo’s Christology with St Cyril’s? On Cyril’s most important point – that the incarnate Word, Jesus Christ, is one single subject – Leo was in perfect agreement. The Tome is clear that it is “the same eternal only-begotten of the eternal Father” who “was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary” (2b). It is “one and the same... ‘the man Christ Jesus’” to whom belongs contrary attributes, who is “able to die in respect of the [humanity] and not able to expire in respect of the [divinity]” (3a); and “one and the same is truly Son of God and truly son of man” (4b). The communication of attributes, which Cyril saw as the necessary result of Christ’s single subjectivity (and which Nestorius could not “strictly” support), is explicitly stated by Leo (5a).

    The controversial aspects of the Tome are the sections which stress Christ’s duality. The Illyrian and Palestinian bishops at Chalcedon objected to a few passages: “Christ Jesus would be able to die in respect of the [humanity] and not able to expire in respect of the [divinity]” (3a); “each form performs what is proper to it in association with the other, the Word achieving what is the Word’s, while the body accomplishes what is the body’s” (4b); “he has from us the humanity that is less than the Father, and he has from the Father the Godhead that is equal with the Father” (4d). In response, Aetius of Constantinople and Theodoret of Cyrrhus cited similar statements from St Cyril:

...since his own body ‘tasted death by the grace of God on behalf of all’ [Heb 2:9], as Paul says, then he himself is said to have suffered death for our sake. This does not mean he underwent the experience of death in terms of his nature for it would be madness to say or think such a thing; rather, as I have said, it means that his flesh tasted death. (Second Letter to Nestorius 5)

Some of the sayings are particularly fitting to God, some again are particularly fitting to man, while others occupy a middle position, revealing the Son of God as God and man simultaneously and at the same time. (Letter 40.16)

He became man without shedding what was his own, for he remained what he was; he is certainly conceived as one dwelling in another, that is, the divine nature in what is human. (Scholia on the Incarnation 25)

    St Leo’s statement about Christ’s humanity and divinity performing different activities could indeed be interpreted in a Nestorian way. However, he goes on to say that these natures and activities belong to “one and the same,” and throughout this section it’s one “he” who is the subject of each activity. In Leo’s letter 124 to some non-Chalcedonian monks in Palestine (which came to be known as his Second Tome), he clarifies that “the person of the Word and the flesh is one, and both have their actions in common”; what we distinguish are “what it is that the flesh without the Word, or the Word without the flesh, does not do” (124.5). In other words, the incarnate Christ does nothing apart from both divinity and humanity, but we can discern (not separate in reality) the activities which are grounded in either the divine nature or the human nature.

    It’s clear that Cyril preferred not to speak of “two natures” since he saw this language as tending to divide Christ. At the same time, he accepted that this had an orthodox interpretation, since he accepted “two natures” in the Formula of Reunion and defended it against hardliners in his own party. In his letters to Acacius and Succensus, he emphasized that Christ’s union is “from two natures,” which are not divided “after the union” (44.6). Of course, this isn’t meant as a temporal sequence (i.e., that there were two separate realities which became one reality), but that we can mentally abstract divinity and humanity out of the one Lord Jesus Christ without dividing him: “before” and “after” refer to two different ontological levels rather than two different times. Thus in his writings, both before and after the controversy, St Cyril frequently distinguishes between Christ’s activities and sayings “as God” and “as man” while attributing them to one and the same subject. [17]

    This terminology (“from two natures,” not “after the union”) became a flashpoint for later controversy which led to Chalcedon. The Alexandrian hardliners saw the confession of St Flavian and other bishops, against Eutyches, that Christ is from and in two natures after the union as an admission that they divided Christ into two separate realities. Hence, Dioscorus insisted at Chalcedon, “I accept ‘from two’; I do not accept ‘two’” (Acts of Chalcedon I.332). In contrast, St Flavian and the others interpreted Eutyches’ refusal to accept Christ as in two natures after the union to mean that he denied any difference between humanity and divinity in Christ at all. St Leo even took Eutyches’ confession that “our Lord was from two natures before the union, but after the union, one nature” as referring to a temporal sequence, viewing it as a strange sort of adoptionism in which God and a man, existing separately, became one thing (Tome 6a).

    In summary, despite subtle differences in terminology, the teaching of St Leo and St Cyril was actually the same. This agreement in meaning between (orthodox) Alexandrians and (orthodox) Antiochenes was what Cyril himself recognized when he agreed to the Formula of Reunion, and the hardliners in his own party failed to see, which led to their eventual downfall at Chalcedon. The Chalcedonian Definition sums up this agreement well:

Following, therefore, the holy fathers, we all in harmony teach confession of one and the same Son our Lord Jesus Christ, the same perfect in Godhead and the same perfect in manhood, truly God and the same truly man, of a rational soul and body, consubstantial with the Father in respect of the Godhead, and the same consubstantial with us in respect of the manhood, like us in all things apart from sin, begotten from the Father before the ages in respect of the Godhead, and the same in the last days for us and for our salvation from the Virgin Mary the Theotokos in respect of the manhood, one and the same Christ, Son, Lord, Only-begotten, acknowledged in two natures without confusion, change, division, or separation (the difference of the natures being in no way destroyed by the union, but rather the distinctive character of each nature being preserved and coming together into one person and one hypostasis), not parted or divided into two persons, but one and the same Son, Only-begotten, God, Word, Lord, Jesus Christ, even as the prophets from of old and Jesus Christ himself taught us about him and the symbol of the fathers has handed down to us. (Acts of Chalcedon V.34)

This definition uses terminology from both Alexandria (“one and the same... not parted or divided”) and Antioch (“consubstantial with the Father... consubstantial with us... in two natures”) to summarize a basically Cyrillian Christology. [18] There is one single subject, the Lord Jesus Christ, who is both truly God the Word and truly a human being, truly born from the Father and truly born from Mary, one and the same Son of God and son of man.

______________________________

[12] The deposition of Eutyches is recorded in the Acts of Chalcedon I.458-552, with interpolations from Ephesus II and Chalcedon.

St Cyril also never referred explicitly to two natures after the Incarnation, although he did speak of Christ’s divinity and his humanity as natures which were not confused by the union. Eutyches’ statement about two natures before the union and one nature afterward is more or less what Cyril said in his letters to Succensus. Eutyches’ mistake was to speak of “one nature” unqualifiedly rather than adding “incarnate” (as Cyril did), which the bishop Basil of Seleucia pointed out during the proceedings, but this is understandable since he confessed being unfamiliar with using the language of “natures” to refer to God. Eutyches did say that Christ is “perfect human” (teleios anthropos), so his denial that Christ’s body is consubstantial with us – which certainly went much further than St Cyril – is difficult to explain.

It’s unclear whether Eutyches actually held the heretical view attributed to him (that Christ has one divine nature and not a human nature). He was theologically untrained and his views were somewhat muddled. It looks like he was one of the Alexandrian hardliners who refused to accept the Formula of Reunion and saw it as a betrayal, which would explain why he was opposed to the language of “two natures” and double consubstantiality. His condemnation was ultimately because he refused to accept this language and to anathematize other Alexandrian hardliners, which threatened the reunion.

[13] Hilary apparently escaped by hiding in a chapel of St John, and brought letters from St Flavian and Eusebius of Dorylaeum (who had been Eutyches’ accusers) to the pope Leo which prompted him to refer to Ephesus II as a latrocinium (“robber council”). Hilary’s escape is commemorated by an inscription in the baptistry of the Lateran Basilica from after he became bishop of Rome, which reads, “To his liberator, blessed John the Evangelist, Hilary the bishop, slave of Christ.”

[14] Translation from Richard Price and Michael Gaddis, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon (Liverpool University Press, 2005), 2:14-24.

[15] This view is taken from the acts of the home synod of Constantinople in 448, in which the bishop Eusebius of Dorylaeum claimed that, in conversation with him, Eutyches “acknowledged as perfect God and perfect man the one who was born from the Virgin Mary but [he] does not have flesh consubstantial with us” (Acts of Chalcedon I.359). During his own deposition, Eutyches said, “Till today I have not said that the body of our Lord and God is consubstantial with us, but I acknowledge that the Holy Virgin is consubstantial with us, and that our God was enfleshed from her” (I.516).

[16] Richard Price and Michael Gaddis, The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, 1:65-75.

[17] Daniel A. Keating, “The Christology of Cyril of Alexandria,” Religions 15 (2024): 688.

[18] The Definition even echoes language used by Dioscorus himself. In the first session of the council, he said, “We speak of neither confusion nor division nor change. Anathema to whoever speaks of confusion or change or mixture” (Acts of Chalcedon I.263); and the Definition refers to “two natures without confusion, change, division, or separation” (V.34).

The orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation (part 1 of 3)

    A few months ago, I attempted to explain the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity by drawing on the first- through eighth-century patristic tradition, especially St Gregory of Nyssa. [1] In this post, I will try to do the same for the doctrine of the Incarnation. As I said before, it’s wrong to view Christian theology as a logical ‘problem’ to be solved. Nor can theology be really separated into different fields like triadology, Christology, and soteriology, all of which are intimately bound up with one another and with Scripture and the liturgical life of the Church. The seven ecumenical councils weren’t discussing sterile logical propositions, but discerning and refuting errors about the hypothesis of the Christian faith himself, the crucified and risen Lord Jesus Christ, which challenged our salvation in him. [2]

    Our starting point, therefore, must be the Nicene Creed that is recited weekly by most Christians worldwide, which says about Jesus:

[I believe] in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the only-begotten, begotten of the Father before all ages; light of light; true God of true God; begotten, not made; of one essence with the Father; by whom all things were made; who for us men and for our salvation came down from heaven, and was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, and became man; and he was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and suffered, and was buried; and the third day he rose again, according to the Scriptures; and ascended into heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father; and he shall come again with glory to judge the living and the dead, whose kingdom shall have no end.

    The Fathers, especially St Cyril of Alexandria, also took the Creed as a starting point and saw it as sufficient for orthodox Christology. However, they encountered various errors that implicitly denied the truth of Christ, which forced them to elaborate the doctrine of the Incarnation and how it’s possible for God to become human. Here, we’ll go through a few key texts from the Christological controversies of the fifth to seventh centuries to better understand “the whole mystery of Christ,” as St Maximus the Confessor referred to the Incarnation.

Christology before St Cyril

    Prior to the fifth century, there wasn’t a lot of focus on the Incarnation proper: that is, Christ as God-man. [3] In the apostolic era, the main Christological controversy was about whether Jesus had a genuine physical body or only in appearance (docetism), and St John insisted that the Son of God really was “in the flesh” (1 John 4:1-3; 2 John 1:7; cf. Luke 24:39; John 1:14; 6:51-56; 1 Tim 3:16). The few Incarnational statements in the New Testament – “the Word became flesh” (John 1:1-18), “Christ Jesus… being in the form of God… taking the form of a slave” (Phil 2:6-8), “God sent his Son, born of a woman” (Gal 4:4-6) – are embedded in a larger narrative or exhortation.

    St Ignatius of Antioch, following his teacher, was a strong opponent of docetism and insisted on the real physical existence of Jesus Christ (Tral 10; Smyrn 1–7). Against false teachers (the docetists?), he says that “there is one Physician, both fleshly and spiritual, born and unborn, in humanity, divine, in death, true life, both from Mary and from God, first passible and then impassible: Jesus Christ our Lord” (Eph 7.2). [4] Ignatius’ attribution of apparently contradictory (both divine and human) predicates to one subject anticipates later Christological formulations.

    By the time of St Irenaeus of Lyons, the main challenge to proto-orthodoxy was gnosticism. Because the gnostics made a stark distinction between the God of spirit and the demiurge who made matter, some also (at least in Irenaeus’ view) divided Jesus Christ into two, between the fleshly Jesus and the Christ who descended upon him (Against Heresies 3.16.1). Against them, the bishop of Lyons repeats the refrain “one and the same”: the only-begotten Word of the Father is the very same one who was born of the virgin and became human (3.16-18). We know, therefore, that “there is one God, the Father, and one Christ Jesus [cf. 1 Cor 8:6]... the invisible becoming visible, the incomprehensible becoming comprehensible, the impassible becoming passible, and the Word human” (3.16.6). He became, says St Irenaeus, what we are, so that we may become what he is (3.19.1; 5.pref).

    Origen of Alexandria elaborates his incarnational Christology in his work of systematic theology, On First Principles. “The medium between all these created things and God [the Father]” is the Son of God, not by being an ontological intermediate between God and humanity, but by having emptied himself and become himself a human (2.6.1). What baffles the intellect is how one subject can be both divine and human: “If it thinks of God, it sees a mortal; if it thinks of a human, it sees him returning from the dead with spoils, having conquered the kingdom of death” (2.6.2). This is possible because the Word of God, from the beginning of creation, was perfectly united to his soul in its properties and moral disposition, like iron taking on the properties of fire (2.6.4-6). The soul mediated between the Word and his flesh, making it possible for him to become human (2.6.3). Origen’s view was not, of course, followed in all its details, but his emphasis on the human rational soul of Jesus Christ became an important part of later orthodoxy.

    The Arian controversy marked a turning point for Incarnation Christology. If Jesus is not as divine as the Father, but rather a created deity (even the greatest one), then it’s possible to see the Incarnation as an episode in the life of a single psychological subject, the Word, who begins as a god and then ensouls a human body (e.g., Eusebius of Caesarea, Church Theology 1.20.40-44). But if Jesus is “true God of true God [the Father],” then it’s no longer possible to view the Incarnation as a temporal movement from one state to another. Thus, after the victory of Nicene orthodoxy, the issue of the Incarnation came to the forefront. The main contributors to the fourth-century discussion were Apollinarius of Laodicea, Diodore of Tarsus, and St Gregory the Theologian. [5]

    Apollinarius emphasized the unity of Christ, to the point that, in his view, the communication of attributes applies not just to the person of Jesus Christ but his humanity and divinity. Thus, his flesh is eternal and descended from heaven, and his divinity was born from Mary. [6] There is, therefore, “one nature constituted out of both parts” (Union 5). Furthermore, as seen in the fragments of his writings, he believed that the Word took the place of the human spirit in his composite of body, soul, and spirit, since the natural human spirit is indelibly stained by sin. Because of this, Christ did not assume full human nature; indeed, Apollinarius can go so far as to say that Christ is “not a human” and “not of our nature” (e.g., Anak. 3; 23).

    Against him, Diodore of Tarsus stressed the full humanity, and the duality of Christ, to preserve the impassibility of the Word which he saw as challenged by Apollinarius’ view. Diodore argued that the attributes of the divinity and the humanity – and the various statements about Christ in Scripture – must not be confused, but rather attributed to different subjects, the “divine Word” and the “son of David” (BD 6). [7] The Word was not born, but rather his temple (the body), from Mary, who is therefore not strictly speaking theotokos (“birthgiver of God”: BD 1; cf. SD 2). Therefore, Christ is not “one and the same” (BD 26), but “one and another” (BD 2).

    St Gregory the Theologian opposes both of these views in his writings, especially his Letter 101 to the presbyter Cledonius. In this letter, he sets out his own view:

...we affirm and teach one and the same God and Son, at first not man but alone and pre-eternal, unmixed with body and all that belongs to the body, but finally human being too, assumed for our salvation, the same passible in flesh, impassible in divinity, bounded in body, boundless in spirit, earthly and heavenly, visible and known spiritually, finite and infinite: so that by the same, whole man and God, the whole human being fallen under sin might be fashioned anew. (4)

    He goes on to reject several claims: that Mary is not theotokos; that Christ passed through her like a channel; that his humanity was first formed and later assumed; that there are two Sons – because Christ is “one [thing] and another” (allo kai allo), not “one [person] and another” (allos kai allos), just as the Trinity is one person and another but not one thing and another –; that the man Jesus was “activated by grace” and not “united”; that the Crucified is not to be worshipped; that Jesus was made worthy of adoption; that Christ no longer has a body; that his flesh descended from heaven; and that he does not have a human mind (5). Most of these anathemas refute Diodore, but the last two or three refute Apollinarius. Against him, St Gregory insists that the Word and a human mind can occupy the same body because both are incorporeal (6–7). Clearly influenced by Origen, he says that the mind is precisely what mediates between Christ’s divinity and his body (8). If the human mind is stained by sin, then all the more it should be assumed by Christ to restore it: “what is not assumed is not healed, but what is united to God is being saved” (5; 8–10).

“The one Lord Jesus Christ must not be divided”

    So much for the doctrine of the Incarnation in the first through fourth centuries. Controversy sprung up again in the fifth century when Nestorius, the archbishop of Constantinople and indirect disciple of Diodore of Tarsus, claimed publicly that Mary cannot strictly (akribos) be referred to as theotokos: she “did not produce the Creator, rather she gave birth to the human being, the instrument of the divinity” (First Sermon Against the Theotokos). Whatever his actual views, Nestorius’ opponents, especially St Cyril of Alexandria, interpreted him as saying that Christ is two subjects, divine and human, who are united only by an external relation. [8] It’s undeniable that he stressed the duality of Christ to an extent that his real unity was called into question.

    St Cyril, archbishop of Alexandria, wrote three letters in response to Nestorius over the course of the controversy. The Second Letter to Nestorius was later canonized by the Councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451), and hence it is a genuine expression of the orthodox Christian faith. He begins by quoting the Creed of Nicaea (325):

Well, the great and holy Synod [of Nicaea] said that it was the Only begotten Son himself, naturally born from God the Father, true God from true God, light from light, through whom the Father made all things, who was the one who came down, was made flesh, was made man, suffered, rose again on the third day, and ascended into the heavens. We must follow these words and teachings, and realise what is meant by the Word of God being made flesh and made man. (3a) [9]

    His starting point is the creed worked out a century before him, because, as he wrote earlier, “we shall [expound the sound doctrine of the faith] most correctly if we are very careful, when we encounter the teachings of the holy Fathers, to hold them in the highest regard” (2). St Cyril was deeply concerned for his doctrine to be in line with the historical teaching of the Church and her bishops, especially as worked out at the council of Nicaea.

We do not say that the nature of the Word was changed and became flesh, nor that he was transformed into a perfect man of soul and body. We say, rather, that the Word, in an ineffable and incomprehensible manner, ineffably united to himself flesh animated with a rational soul, and thus became man and was called the Son of Man. This was not effected only as a matter of will, or favour, or by the assumption of a single prosopon. While the natures that were brought together into this true unity were different, nonetheless there is One Christ and Son from out of both. This did not involve the negation of the difference of natures, rather that the Godhead and manhood by their ineffable and indescribable consilience into unity achieved One Lord and Christ and Son for us. (3b)

    Here Cyril refutes the charges, laid against him by Nestorius, that he confused the divinity and humanity of Christ and that he was an Apollinarian. The Word did not unite to himself flesh alone, or flesh with an animal soul alone, but “flesh animated with a rational soul” (psychē logikē). Against Nestorius, this union wasn’t an external relation – whether an agreement of wills between the Word and the man, or favor bestowed on the man by the Word, or the manifestation of the Word and the man as a single persona (prosopōn) – but a “true unity” which is described as “hypostatic” (kath’ hypostasin). This means that a single concrete subject was formed out of “the divinity and humanity,” making “one Christ and Son out of both,” without thereby denying “the difference of natures” (tōn physeōn diaphoras).

For this reason, even though he existed and was begotten of the Father from before all ages, he is also said to have been begotten from a woman according to the flesh. This does not mean that his divine nature received the beginning of its existence in the holy virgin or that it necessarily needed a second generation for its own sake after its generation from the Father. It is completely foolish and stupid to say that he who exists before all ages and is coeternal with the Father stood in need of a second beginning of existence. Nonetheless, because the Word hypostatically united human reality to himself, ‘for us and for our salvation’, and came forth of a woman, this is why he is said to have been begotten in a fleshly manner. The Word did not subsequently descend upon an ordinary man previously born of the holy virgin, but he is made one from his mother’s womb, and thus is said to have undergone a fleshly birth in so far as he appropriated to himself the birth of his own flesh.

So it is we say that he both suffered and rose again; not meaning that the Word of God suffered in his own nature either the scourging, or the piercing of the nails, or the other wounds, for the divinity is impassible because it is incorporeal. But in so far as that which had become his own body suffered, then he himself is said to suffer these things for our sake, because the Impassible One was in the suffering body. We understand his death in the same manner. By nature the Word of God is immortal and incorruptible, and Life, and Life-giver, and yet since his own body ‘tasted death by the grace of God on behalf of all’ [Heb 2:9], as Paul says, then he himself is said to have suffered death for our sake. This does not mean he underwent the experience of death in terms of his nature for it would be madness to say or think such a thing; rather, as I have said, it means that his flesh tasted death. Similarly when his flesh was raised up, once again we say that the resurrection is his. This does not mean that he fell into corruption, certainly not, but again that his own body was raised. (4–5)

    This passage is key to understanding St Cyril’s Christology and his dispute with Nestorius. Cyril coins the term “hypostatic union” in this letter to indicate that the Word of God and the “flesh animated with a rational soul” are one concrete subject. Therefore, the body and the flesh are “his own” (to idion autou), and anything that is predicated of the body – birth from Mary, suffering, death, and resurrection – must also be predicated of the single subject, the Word, even though they don’t apply to “his own [divine] nature.” Nestorius, on the other hand, sought to precisely distinguish between the terms that applied to the humanity (e.g., birth, death) and the divinity (e.g., “God,” “Word”), versus the combination of both (e.g., “Christ,” “Son”). St Cyril saw the communication of attributes as absolutely necessary, because dividing the titles in this way implicitly denies the single subjectivity of Christ.

And so we confess One Christ and Lord. This does not mean we worship a man alongside the Word, in case the shadow of a division might creep in through using the words ‘along with’; rather that we worship one and the same because the body of the Word, with which he shares the Father’s throne, was not alien to him. Again this does not mean two sons were sharing the throne, but one, because of the union with the flesh. But if we reject this hypostatic union as either impossible or unfitting, then we fall into saying there are two sons, and in that case we will be compelled to make a distinction and say that one of them was really a man, honoured with the title of Son, while the other was the Word of God who enjoyed the name and reality of Sonship by nature. (6)

    Nestorius also accepted “one Christ,” and “Lord,” and “Son,” because he applied these titles to the conjunction of the two natures. However, Cyril clarifies that we “do not co-worship [symproskynountes] a man with the Word.” He prefers to not use the term “with” (syn) at all, since this could be taken to imply division between two subjects in Christ. Instead, we should speak of the “union with his own flesh” (henōsis meta tēs idias sarkos) or “the hypostatic union” (tēn kath’ hypostasin henōsin), which makes it clear that Christ is one concrete subject.

And so, we must not divide the One Lord Jesus Christ into two sons. To hold this in no way benefits the correct exposition of the faith, even if certain people do declare a unity of personas; for the scripture did not say that he united the persona of a man to himself, but that he became flesh [John 1:14]. Yet the Word ‘becoming flesh’ means nothing else than that ‘he shared in flesh and blood like us’ [Heb 2:14], and made his very own a body which was ours, and that he came forth as man from a woman, although he did not cast aside the fact that he is God, born of God the Father, but remained what he was even in the assumption of the flesh. Everywhere the exposition of the orthodox faith promotes this doctrine. We shall also find that the holy Fathers thought like this, and this is why they called the holy virgin ‘Mother of God’. This does not mean that the nature of the Word or his divinity took the beginning of its existence from the holy virgin, rather that he is said to have been born according to the flesh in so far as the Word was hypostatically united to that holy body, which was born from her, endowed with a rational soul. (7a)

    St Cyril concludes his letter by defending Mary’s title theotokos, which is what sparked the controversy in the first place. The reason this title is so important is because of the communication of attributes: if the Lord Jesus Christ is one subject, rather than a “unity of personas” (prosōpōn henōsin; i.e., an external relation between two subjects), then everything which applies to his body also applies to himself. It was therefore God the Word himself who was borne by the holy Virgin Mary. Nestorius’ denial of this implies the division of the one Lord Jesus Christ, which was Cyril’s central concern from the very start of the Christological controversy.

“Let the heavens rejoice!”

    St Cyril held a council of Egyptian bishops in Alexandria in 430 to address the Christological issue, and the synod composed a letter to Nestorius which is known as Cyril’s Third Letter to Nestorius. This letter is more or less an extended discussion of the same issues as the Second Letter, but with twelve anathemas attached to the end. These anathemas were taken by Antiochene theologians, such as Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Andrew of Samosata, to mean that Cyril was confusing Christ’s divinity and humanity, and he had to write several works to defend them. Especially his fourth and twelfth anathemas came under scrutiny:

If anyone interprets the sayings in the Gospels and apostolic writings, or the things said about Christ by the saints, or the he says about himself, as referring to two prosopa or hypostases, attributing some of them to a man conceived of as separate from the Word of God, and attributing others (as divine) exclusively to the Word of God the Father, let him be anathema.

If anyone does not confess that the Word of God suffered in the flesh, was crucified in the flesh, and tasted death in the flesh, becoming the first-born from the dead, although as God he is life and life-giving, let him be anathema.

    These could be taken in the sense of Apollinarius, that is, that the communication of attributes applies even to Christ’s divinity and humanity, so that it can be said his flesh is eternal and his divinity suffered. However, St Cyril clearly didn’t mean that in context. Even earlier in this letter, he distinguishes between “the humanly” and “the godly sayings,” and what is said “in a God-befitting way” versus “when not despising the limitations of the humanity,” while emphasizing that both are “attributed to one person and one incarnate hypostasis of the Word” (Third Letter 8). Likewise, in his Explanation of the Twelve Chapters, he makes clear that “we apply all the sayings in the Gospels, the human ones as well as the ones befitting God, to one person” (14), and that the divine nature is impassible, but the Word of God made passible flesh “his own” in which he suffered and died (31).

    Even so, this widened the rift between the Alexandrian and Antiochene schools. The council of Ephesus in 431 only worsened the situation, because – although the reports about why this happened differ – Cyril began the proceedings of the ecumenical council, and Nestorius was deposed, before the Antiochene bishops arrived. When the Antiochene bishops finally showed up, they held their own opposing council which deposed Cyril instead. This led to a rift in communion between Alexandria and Antioch. However, under imperial pressure toward unity, the two groups worked toward a compromise and finally found a statement of faith that convinced both St Cyril of Alexandria and John of Antioch of the other’s orthodoxy. This Formula of Reunion is preserved in Cyril’s letter to John, which begins, “’Let the heavens rejoice and let the earth be glad,’ for... all difference of opinion has been removed”:

And so we confess that Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Only Begotten Son of God, is perfect God and perfect Man, of a rational soul and body. He is born of the Father before the ages according to the Godhead, and the same one in these last days for us and for our salvation was born of the virgin Mary according to the manhood. The same one is consubstantial with the Father according to the Godhead, and consubstantial with us according to the manhood, for there was a union of the two natures, and this is why we confess One Christ, One Son, One Lord. According to this understanding of the unconfused union we confess that the holy virgin is the Mother of God, because God was made flesh and became man, and from the very moment of conception he united to himself the temple that was taken from her. As for the evangelical and apostolic sayings about the Lord, we are aware that theologians take some as common, as referring to one prosopon, but distinguish others as referring to two natures; that they interpret the God-befitting ones in accordance with the Godhead of the Christ, and the humble ones in accordance with the manhood. (Letter 39.5)

This statement removes all question of both Apollinarian and Nestorian heresy from either group. On the one hand, the Lord Jesus Christ is “perfect human, from a rational soul and body,” and “consubstantial with us according to his humanity.” On the other, “the same one” was begotten by the Father and by Mary, and Mary is truly theotokos since “God the Word was made flesh and made human.”

    Because of the language of “two natures” in this statement, especially that sayings are “distinguished as referring to two natures,” this was interpreted by some in the Alexandrian party as a betrayal of St Cyril’s earlier principles. In fact, as we saw, even in the Third Letter he distinguished “God-befitting” sayings and “humanly” sayings about Christ. Cyril frequently refers to Christ’s divinity as “his own nature,” and sometimes speaks of his flesh or body as having “its own nature” or “our nature” (esp. see Festal Letter 17), which therefore also belongs to Christ. This language can be found from his earliest to his latest writings, and he even says (when explaining Luke 2:52) that Jesus allowed “the nature like ours to move according to its own laws” (Festal Letter 17.2.8; cf. Comm John 14:20). In all of his writings, St Cyril conceives of Christ as a single separate reality in whom divinity and humanity exist unconfused. [10]

    In his letters to Eulogius and Succensus (letters 44–46), Cyril defends his acceptance of Antiochene “two natures” language against members of his own party. Here is his answer in part:

...even if [Nestorius] does speak of two natures to signify the difference between the flesh and God the Word. For the nature of the Word is one thing, and that of the flesh quite another. But Nestorius does not confess the union along with us. We unite these realities and confess that the self-same is one Christ, One Son, and One Lord, and we confess moreover that there is one incarnate nature of the Son; just as one might say in regard to an ordinary man who results from different natures, that is body and soul. Our intellect and deductive ability recognises the difference, but we unite them and then recognise the single nature of man. This is why to acknowledge the difference of the natures is not to divide the one Christ into two. (44.1)

As I have said, if we understand the manner of the incarnation we shall see that two natures come together with one another, without confusion or change, in an indivisible union. The flesh is flesh and not Godhead, even though it became the flesh of God; and similarly the Word is God and not flesh even if he made the flesh his very own in the economy. Given that we understand this, we do no harm to that concurrence into union when we say that it took place out of two natures. After the union has occurred, however, we do not divide the natures from one another, nor do we sever the one and indivisible into two sons, but we say that there is One Son, and as the holy Fathers have stated: One Incarnate Nature of The Word. (45.6)

These passages make clear that Cyril’s concern is with the division of Jesus Christ into two subjects, and not the difference between Christ’s divinity and humanity (cf. Contra Nestorium 2.6), even though in his own language he prefers not to refer to the divinity and humanity as “two natures.”

    His affirmation of “one incarnate nature of the Word” seems at odds with this, and in his own writings from prior to the controversy over “two natures,” he prefers to use the language of “hypostatic union” instead. [11] St Cyril mistakenly believed that “one incarnate nature of the Word” was a phrase used by St Athanasius, when in fact it is from Apollinarius’ Letter to Julian; because he thought that this phrase was from the Fathers, he found it useful for defending his own view against other Alexandrian theologians. However, when he explains this phrase in his second letter to Succensus, he is clear that “one nature of the Word” refers to Christ’s divinity, while “‘incarnate’ implies the whole system of the economy with flesh,” including the rational soul, sufferings, and consubstantiality with humanity (46.2ff).

    In summary, St Cyril of Alexandria’s main Christological insight is that the Lord Jesus Christ is one concrete subject who cannot be divided. Nestorius’ claim that the Virgin Mary is not “strictly” theotokos implies, in Cyril’s view, that Jesus Christ who was born from her is not “strictly” God. To divide the sayings about Christ is to implicitly divide him into more than one subject. This is unthinkable for St Cyril because the entire economy of salvation is that the Word of God, the Son of the Father, is one and the same as Jesus, the son of Mary, who died for us and rose on the third day, thereby redeeming us from death and raising our nature.

Part Two

______________________________

[1] See part 1 of my post, in which I explained the monarchy of the Father (that the one God = the Father), and part 2 in which I showed how the Trinity is (the) one God. St Athanasius sums up trinitarian theology much more concisely in his first letter to St Serapion of Thmuis, in an excerpt which is one of the readings for the Catholic Office for Trinity Sunday (see here, second reading), often quoted as “Light, radiance and grace are in the Trinity and from the Trinity.”

[2] For a great overview of the ecumenical councils and their theology, see Sergey Trostyanskiy (ed.), Seven Icons of Christ: An Introduction to the Oikoumenical Councils (Gorgias Press: 2016).

[3] For this overview of Christology prior to the fifth century, I’m heavily relying on John Behr, The Way to Nicaea (St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2001); The Nicene Faith (St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 2004).

[4] εἷς ἰατρός ἐστιν, σαρκικός τε καὶ πνευματικός, γεννητὸς καὶ ἀγέννητος, ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ θεός, ἐν θανάτῳ ζωὴ ἀληθινή, καὶ ἐκ Μαριας καὶ ἐκ θεοῦ, πρῶτον παθητὸς καὶ τότε ἀπαθής, Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν. Don’t read too much into St Ignatius’ statement that Christ is “unborn” (agennētos), since the hard distinction drawn in the fourth century between agenētos (uncreated) and agennētos (unbegotten) had not been drawn yet.

[5] For a great overview of the fourth-century Christological debate, see Christopher E. Beeley, “The Early Christological Controversy: Apollinarius, Diodore, and Gregory Nazianzen,” Vigiliae Christianae 65 (2011): 376-407.

[6] This is most clearly seen in Apollinarius’ work On the Body’s Union with the Divinity in Christ, written around 370, which is precisely about his view of the communication of attributes.

[7] Christopher E. Beeley, “The Early Christological Controversy,” 388-390.

[8] This seems correct to me. In the same sermon, Nestorius says that “the incarnate God did not die, but he raised up the one in whom he was incarnate”; that the Incarnation is like if one person, while remaining what he is, lifts up another hurt person by joining body to body; that Christ “assumed the person of the debt-ridden nature... assumed a person of our same nature”; that he worships the man Jesus “as the instrument of the Lord’s goodness... the one who is borne because of the one who carries him... the one I see because of the one who is hidden”. He never refers to two prosōpa (“persons”), which St Cyril accuses him of believing, but this is because, in his ontology, prosōpon is not a real being but an external manifestation, which is one in the case of the Son of God and Son of Man (e.g., Bazaar of Heraclides 58). The union of prosopōn is not natural, but voluntary, on the part of “the natures” even after the union (Bazaar 47). For a more detailed overview of Nestorius’ metaphysics and Christology, see Sergei Trostyanskiy, Seven Icons of Christ, 119-139.

[9] Translation from John A. McGuckin, St. Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy: Its History, Theology, and Texts (Brill: 1994), 262-265.

[10] See especially Hans van Loon, The Dyophysite Christology of Cyril of Alexandria (Brill, 2009).

[11] Hans van Loon, The Dyophysite Christology of Cyril of Alexandria, 521-530.

The development of apostolic succession

Part One

    In my last post, I tried to show that the basic claim of apostolic succession goes back to the first century. I’d like to reiterate my claim: that there is a succession of bishops ordained by laying on of hands going back to the apostles, and the assured Eucharist (hence the assured Church) is intimately tied to these bishops – nothing more or less than this. This idea was indeed present in the earliest Church, but the office of bishop didn’t look quite like it does today. For one thing, the distinction between offices was more fluid, “bishop” and “presbyter” referred to the same office, and there were multiple bishops in each city. Here I will look into how the offices of the Church and the idea of apostolic succession developed between the first and fourth centuries.

Second Century

    The second century saw the rise of the “three-tier” structure of bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and the development of the distinct office of presbyter. But how and why did this take place? Let’s start with the writings of St Ignatius of Antioch, who is the first to attest this structure.

Ignatius of Antioch and the “three-tier” Church

    St Ignatius was the bishop of Antioch in the early second century until his martyrdom at Rome, which took place between ca. AD 108 and 140. [13] A recurring theme in his letters to the churches of Asia Minor is the bishop’s authority and the unity of the Church around him. This is seen quite clearly in his letter to the church in Smyrna:

Avoid divisions as the beginning of all evils. See that you all follow the bishop, as Christ does the Father, and the presbytery as you would the apostles, and reverence the deacons, as a command of God. Let no one do anything connected with the Church without the bishop. Let that be considered an assured Eucharist which is under the leadership of the bishop or one to whom he has entrusted it. Wherever the bishop appears, there let the multitude of the people be; just as wherever Christ Jesus is, there is the catholic Church. It is not permitted without the bishop either to baptize or to celebrate an agapē; but whatever he shall approve of, that is also well-pleasing to God, so that everything that is done may be assured and certain. (Smyrn 8)

    In his letters to the churches at Ephesus, Magnesia, Tralles, Philadelphia, and Smyrna, Ignatius refers to the bishop of the church and distinguishes him from the presbytery (Eph 1.3; 4.1; Magn 2; Tral 1–3; Phil 1.1; 4; 10.2; Smyrn 12.2). He exhorts the believers to submit to the bishops and presbyters, not to avoid gathering with them, lest they be deprived of the Eucharist (Eph 4–6; 20.2; Magn 3–7; 13; Tral 2–3; 7; Phil 3–4; Smyrn 6–9). The fact that this is a central concern indicates that there was a serious danger of division in the Asian churches, and the only way believers could be “assured” that their Eucharist and Church were genuine was to gather with the genuine bishop. This fits with what we know from Revelation 2–3 that in the late first century, the churches in Asia Minor were beset by serious internal difficulties.

    That explains Ignatius’ strong emphasis on the singularity of the bishop and the necessity of submitting to him. But where did the presbytery come from as a separate office from the episcopate? The presbyters in Asia Minor seem to have had an advisory and teaching role. They were “fitted to the bishop like strings are to the harp” (Eph 4.1); to be regarded as “the sanhedrin of God, the assembly of the apostles” (Tral 3.1). My hypothesis is that the itinerant ministry of prophets and teachers came to be subsumed within the local congregation in the late first and early second centuries, becoming a third office between bishop and deacon, and the term “presbyter” shifted from a title of the bishop to the title of this office. Another possibility is that, when the singular bishop became the locus of unity in congregations subject to serious internal stresses, the other bishops maintained a subordinate position as mere “presbyters.” [14]

    Although the letters of St Ignatius are sometimes appealed to in support of apostolic succession, he actually never makes that claim. He strongly attests to the necessity of the bishop for the assured Eucharist and Church, but never discusses ordination or says that the office of bishop is derived from the apostles, which indicates that there wasn’t any controversy yet about who the genuine bishop was. In fact, Ignatius says that the presbyters are in the place of the apostles, while the bishop is in the place of God or Jesus Christ and the deacons in the place of Jesus Christ or “the command of God” (Magn 6.1; Tral 2–3; Smyrn 8.1). [15] This doesn’t disprove apostolic succession, since every office in the Church is directly or indirectly derived from the apostles, but neither does it support apostolic succession.

Bishops and presbyters in the second century

    The distinction between bishop and presbyters appears in Syria and Asia Minor already at the beginning of the second century, but this “three-tier” structure took time to spread. St Polycarp, the bishop of Smyrna in the mid-second century, wrote to the church in Philippi, “submit yourselves to the presbyters and deacons as to God and Christ,” and gave exhortations to deacons and presbyters (5.2-6.1). There is no mention of a singular bishop nor a distinction between the offices of bishop and presbyter. This suggests that the Philippian church was still governed by a plurality of presbyter-bishops and deacons, as in the first century (Phil 1:1), hence the “three-tier” structure wasn’t universal at that time.

    The Shepherd of Hermas, written in ca. AD 140, provides a window into the structure of the Roman church in this period. Hermas is told to write down his visions and “read the words in this city, along with the presbyters who preside over the Church” (Vis. 2.4.3). This suggests that at this time in Rome, the title “presbyter” was still used for the highest office. However, he also refers to “apostles, bishops, teachers, and deacons, who have lived in godly purity, and have acted as bishops and teachers and deacons chastely and reverently to the elect of God” (Vis. 3.5.1; cf. Simil. 9.25-27). There appears to have been a three-tier structure, then, with presbyter-bishops, teachers, and deacons! St Justin Martyr, on the other hand, only refers to a single “president” and multiple deacons, without an office between them, at one of the congregations in Rome around the same time (1 Apol 67). [16]

    Tertullian, who wrote from North Africa at the turn of the third century, refers to bishops, presbyters, and deacons as “persons in authority” (Fug 11.1; cf. Praescr 41.8; Monog 11.4). Despite his shaky relationship with the institutional Church, he acknowledges the apostolic origin of the episcopate, and regards it as important that bishops can trace their succession back to the apostles (Praescr 32; 36; Adv Marc 4.5). He denies, however, that bishops have the full authority of the apostles, since he doesn’t believe they can forgive grievous sins (Pudic 21). For Tertullian, the bishop has the primary right to baptize, but he can delegate this ability to presbyters and deacons, and even laity can baptize and celebrate the Eucharist in the absence of the “ecclesiastical order” (Bapt 17; Cast 7.3; cf. Idol 7.3). [17] The bishop has the ability to ordain, although Tertullian challenges one bishop’s decision to admit a woman to the order of “widow” (Virg 9.2).

    St Irenaeus was the bishop of Lyons in modern-day France around the same time, makes a distinction between the presbyters and the episcopate (Adv Haer 4.26.2). In fact, he assumes that this distinction goes back to the first century, and interprets Acts 20:17, 28 to mean that Paul was addressing both bishops and presbyters (3.14.2). He also assumes one bishop in each city, as shown by the lists he provides (see below). Even so, he uses “presbyter” and “bishop” interchangeably, while the context makes clear to which office he is referring (4.26.5). Irenaeus claims that both the bishops and presbyters have succession from the apostles (3.2-3; 4.26.2).

The bishops of the “apostolic sees”

    At the end of the second century, the proliferation of heresies meant that it was important to discern genuine apostolic doctrine. For the Church Fathers of this period, the answer was that there still exist churches that were founded by the apostles, whose leaders succeeded from them: if apostolic doctrine wasn’t found here, then it wasn’t found anywhere! (Tertullian, Praescr 32; 36; Adv Marc 4.5; Irenaeus, Adv Haer 3.2-3; Hegesippus in Eusebius, Church History 4.22) Hegesippus shows that this understanding was already present – and there was a single bishop in Corinth and Rome – as early as ca. AD 160. For this reason, lists of bishops in those cities showing their succession from the apostles began to be drawn up at that time.

    The first attested bishop list for Rome was made by St Hegesippus when St Anicetus was bishop there, and his reason for doing so is clear: “In every succession and in every city, the teaching of the Law and the Prophets and the Lord is held” (Eusebius, Church History 4.22.3). Irenaeus also provides a list of bishops in “the very great, very ancient, and universally known Church founded and organized at Rome by the two most glorious apostles, Peter and Paul” up to St Eleutherius, and implies that such lists were also known for the Asian churches (Adv Haer 3.3.2-4). He stresses that we should “hold in suspicion others who depart from the primitive succession and assemble themselves in any place at all” (4.26.2). Tertullian challenges the heretics to provide their own bishop lists, referring to an existing list at Smyrna which shows that Polycarp was ordained by John, and at Rome which shows that Clement was ordained by Peter (Praescr 32).

    Where did these bishop lists come from, since Rome wasn’t ruled by a single bishop until the mid-second century? I find it hard to believe that they were completely made up. It seems probable that a record was kept of which presbyters were ordained by which others, and when the episcopate narrowed to a single bishop, it was simply assumed that the current bishop’s lineage was a single succession. This would also make sense of the discrepancy between Tertullian, who says that Clement was ordained by Peter, and Irenaeus, who says that Clement was ordained by Linus who was ordained by Peter and Paul. Perhaps St Clement was ordained by both Sts Peter and Linus, who was in turn ordained by Sts Peter and Paul. On the other hand, in Asia and Syria where the monoepiscopate was of late first century origin, the bishop lists probably do record a single succession. [18]

Third Century

    In the third century, we find many more details about the distinction between and roles of the three major offices of the Church. Under the threat of persecution, and disagreements over how to respond to those who succumbed, we see schism arise as a major problem in the West. St Cyprian of Carthage’s response to this provides an important window into the ecclesiology of this period.

Ordination in the third-century Church

    The Apostolic Tradition is a third-century church order traditionally attributed to St Hippolytus of Rome (ca. AD 230), although this attribution is now doubtful. This text provides ordination prayers for bishops, presbyters, and deacons (2–3; 7–8). Notably, only bishops have the ability to ordain. For the ordination of a presbyter, together with the bishop, the other presbyters lay on their hands “because of a common spirit and common duty... the presbyter has only the authority to receive [ordination], but he has no authority to give it... Upon the ordination of the presbyter, he seals; the bishop ordains” (8.6-8). For the ordination of a bishop, multiple bishops lay their hands on him while the presbyters silently stand to the side (3.2-4). For the ordination of a deacon, only one bishop lays hands on him (8.1-5).

    According to the ordination prayer, the role of the bishop is “offering the gifts of your holy church [i.e., the Eucharist]; in the spirit of high priesthood having the ability to forgive sins according to your command” (3.4-5). If possible, everyone should take the Eucharist directly from the hand of the bishop (22.1). The presbyter’s prayer asks God to “impart the spirit of grace and wisdom of the presbyters, that he may help and guide your people with a pure heart” (7.2). The deacon “is not ordained to the priesthood, but to the service of the bishop... acts as a manager” (8.2-4). The presbyters and deacons are supposed to assemble each day, as far as possible, to teach the people (39).

    The Didascalia, a mid-third century church order from Syria, likewise states that the bishop is the one who ordains “presbyters as councillors and assessors, and deacons and sub-deacons” (2.34), while he himself is ordained by “the laying of hands” (2.2). The bishop is the antitype of the high priest, and the presbyters and deacons are priests and Levites, which stand in the place of God, the apostles, and Christ respectively (2.26). Hence nothing in the Church should be done apart from the bishop (2.27), and he is the one who baptizes, confirms, teaches, exhorts, and celebrates the Eucharist (2.33). Origen was “ordained as presbyter in Caesarea by the bishops of that country” (Eusebius, Church History 6.23). St Cyprian says that “the priest [i.e., bishop] should be chosen in the presence of the people” with the consent of all, and all the neighboring bishops should assemble there, that “the episcopate [may be] conferred on him and hands [may be] laid on him” (Letter 67.4-5).

Presbyterian ordination at Alexandria?

    In the third century, then, ordination was normally performed by the laying on of hands by bishops. However, a possible counter-example is the church at Alexandria in which, according to several later sources, the bishop was ordained by the council of presbyters. St Jerome says that “at Alexandria... until the episcopates of Heraclas and Dionysius [up to AD 264] the presbyters always named as bishop one of their number chosen by themselves and set in a more exalted position” (Letter 146.1). Ambrosiaster states, “in Alexandria and throughout all Egypt, if a bishop is absent, a presbyter appoints” (Quaestiones 101.5). Severus of Antioch, in the sixth century, asserts that the bishop of Alexandria “used to be appointed by presbyters” as an example of an ancient practice that shouldn’t be upheld. Finally, the tenth-century bishop Eutychius of Alexandria says that twelve presbyters chose one of their own number, and the other eleven laid hands on him and made him bishop, until the early fourth century!

    Even so, St Jerome and Ambrosiaster say that the presbyters “chose” (electum), “placed” (conlocatum), “named” (nominabant), and “appointed” (consignat) the bishop, but not that they actually “ordained” him. Jerome even says, directly after providing this anecdote, “For what function belongs to a bishop, except ordination, that does not belong to a presbyter?” The only one who actually describes a presbyterian ordination is Eutychius, who is far removed from this period (and disagrees with Jerome about how long the practice lasted). As such, I think it stretches the evidence too far to claim that presbyters in this period actually ordained the bishop of Alexandria. Instead, the presbyters chose one of their own to become bishop, and another bishop(s?) ordained – even if in some cases, as a later anecdote suggests, the bishop who ‘laid hands’ was the previous, deceased bishop. [19]

St Cyprian and the problem of schism

    With the onset of the Decian persecution in AD 250, many Christians sacrificed to the Roman gods (or obtained a certificate saying that they had) instead of being put to death. These Christians, who were referred to as lapsi, became the flash point of a major schism: the presbyter Novatian claimed that the lapsed could never rejoin the Church, whereas the ongoing practice was to allow them back after a period of penance, and he broke with the church in Rome and formed his own parallel hierarchy. The Novatian schism continued into the eighth century in the West. This schism was firmly opposed by St Cyprian of Carthage, along with the rest of the institutional Church, on ecclesiological grounds. [20]

    According to St Cyprian, the power given by Christ to St Peter, and later the rest of the apostles, to forgive sins has passed to their successor the bishop (Unit eccl 4–5; Letter 26.1; 72.7; 74.16-17; cf. 64.3). Therefore, the confessors have no authority to forgive the lapsi apart from the bishop (26.1-2). The bishop is also the source of unity in the Church (Unit eccl 5; Letters passim, esp 68.8), and “there should be one bishop in the catholic Church,” by which he means the local Church (45.2). The reason that Cyprian opposes Novatian is because Cornelius was legitimately ordained as the successor of with the consent of the people of Rome, and by setting himself up as another bishop of Rome, Novatian “has departed from the Church” (41–42; 51.8; 75.3-5). Novatian is to be regarded as Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, who set themselves up as priests in opposition to Aaron and his sons, and were punished by God (Unit eccl 10-18; Letters 67.3-4; 72.8; 75.8-9; cf. Num 16). He has an “adulterous throne” and a “profane altar” on which he offers “sacrilegious sacrifices opposed to the true priest [i.e., Cornelius]” (66.2; cf. 71.2; 75.1).

    St Cyprian became embroiled in a controversy with St Stephen, bishop of Rome, over whether those coming to the Church from the Novatian schism had to be re-baptized. Cyprian argued that both baptism and the Eucharist show forth the unity of the Church sacramentally, and hence schismatics who oppose the unity of the Church can’t have a valid baptism almost by definition (Unit eccl 11; Letters 69.1-2; 70.1-2; 72.2ff; 73.11; 75.2ff; cf. 62.13). Stephen argued that baptism is valid any time that it is performed in Jesus’ name, but the Holy Spirit can’t be given by schismatics, so anyone baptized by schismatics should not be rebaptized but only confirmed (De Rebaptismate). Cyprian’s view was agreed upon by the other bishops of Africa and Asia Minor (Letters 69; 71; 74; Eusebius, Church History 7.2-5). Despite this controversy, there doesn’t seem to have been disagreement about the underlying ecclesiology.

Fourth Century

    With the peace of the Church in the fourth century, the episcopate developed further and crystallized into the diocesan structure that still, more or less, exists today. Now that Christianity was a licit and imperially-endorsed religion, it also become possible for the first time to have an ecumenical council, where as many bishops as possible came together to decide on an issue.

The rise of the diocese and parish

    In the earliest days of the Church, the local congregation was headed by the bishop (see above, esp Ignatius of Antioch). This would have been more difficult when one bishop per city became standard in the second century, but there’s no indication that this situation ceased to become normative until the mid-third century. With the Decian persecution, many bishops were sent into exile, and they delegated their sacramental functions to their presbyters. This is well-documented in St Cyprian’s letters, where he tells his presbyters and deacons to “discharge... both your own office and mine,” and refers to the presbyters “who offer [i.e., the Eucharist] with the confessors” (Letter 4). However, he rebukes presbyters who claim the “entire authority” (of the bishop) and commune lapsi without his permission (8–9; 27). St Dionysius of Alexandria, in the same period, gave instruction to his presbyters that they could commune lapsi on their deathbeds (Letter to Fabian 11).

    At this point, it became more common for presbyters to celebrate the Eucharist and even to head their own local congregations with their own bishops, especially in rural areas (e.g., Cyprian, Letters 27.1; 74.10; Eusebius, Church History 7.24.6). However, we don’t see this become normative (at least in the cities) until the early fourth century. The Liber Pontificalis records that Marcellus I, bishop of Rome from 308–309, “appointed 25 parish churches in the city of Rome to provide baptism and penance” (31). The early fourth-century councils assume without discussion that a normal function of the presbyter is to offer the Eucharist (e.g., Ancyra 1; Neocaesarea 9, 13; Nicaea 18). The Council of Arles in 314 even records that some deacons were performing services, but resolves that this “should happen as little as possible.”

    With these changes, the ordination prayers for presbyters also changed, now referring to them along with the bishop as “priests,” and praying “that he may perform the sacred rites on behalf of your people” (Apostolic Constitutions 8.1, 16). Now that the presbyters normally performed the same sacraments as the bishop, the view arose that the presbytery and episcopate are essentially the same office – both have the “priesthood” – the only difference being that bishops can ordain (Jerome, Letter 146; Ambrosiaster, Quaestiones 101; John Chrysostom, Hom 1 Tim 11). [21] Thus, the bishop became primarily the overseer of an area, the diocese, while the presbyter oversaw the local congregation, the parish; a situation which still holds in the Church today.

The origin of the ecumenical council

    In the fourth century, bishops from across the Roman Empire met together for the first time in various councils to discuss theological and administrative questions. The two councils which came to be known as “ecumenical,” Nicaea I and Constantinople I, produced a creed which is still used by nearly all Christians today. But where did the idea of the ecumenical council come from? As early as St Ignatius of Antioch, the unity of the worldwide Church was tied to the fact that “the bishops settled in the farthest parts of the world are in the mind of Jesus Christ” (Eph 3.2). This was tested with various stresses in the mid-to-late second century, but even in the Quartodecimian controversy over the date of Pascha, St Anicetus of Rome invited St Polycarp of Smyrna to discuss the question, and allowed him to celebrate the Eucharist there as a show of unity despite not reaching an agreement (Eusebius, Church History 5.24.14-17).

    However, our first detailed records of councils don’t appear until the mid-third century with the lapsi controversy after the Decian persecution. In the view of St Cyprian, the bishop is the unity of the local Church, and the unity of the worldwide Church is the shared communion and agreement between all the bishops (Unit eccl 5, 12; Letters 56.1; 68.8; 75.5-6; cf. 7.3; 19; 31; 43). [22] This agreement is realized practically in regional councils of bishops (31; 51.6-7; 52.3). Cyprian’s letters document various councils in Africa, Rome, and Asia Minor regarding the lapsi and the rebaptism of schismatics (51.6; 53; 58; 71; 74). After his time, another documented council was held in Antioch in 268 which decided against the monarchian Christology of the bishop Paul of Samosata.

    It isn’t until the fourth century that we see the flourishing of the council. Right after the end of the Diocletianic persecution, in 314, there were councils in Arles, Ancyra, and Neocaesarea which ruled on various canonical and administrative issues. Due to the Arian controversy that ignited shortly afterward, the emperor Constantine invited all bishops in the Empire to Nicaea, where about 250 of them decided on a statement of faith (the Nicene Creed) and excommunicated Arius. This council also officially established the metropolitan bishop, who has authority over the other bishops in the region (canons 5-6), which was expanded upon by later councils (esp Antioch in 341). Nicaea wasn’t received by the entire worldwide Church until the late fourth century, but the idea of the ecumenical council certainly was present, and indeed goes back to the earliest days of the Church as we have seen. 

Conclusion

    In this post, we looked at the development of the Church’s structure from the second to the fourth centuries. Over this period the episcopate changed in some striking ways, such as the change from a more collective local church governance to the monoepiscopacy, and the rise of the diocesan and metropolitan systems. The Church’s self-understanding as the apostolic Church even developed over time, receiving very little attention from St Ignatius of Antioch and growing in emphasis with the rise of heresies and schisms. However, the basics of apostolic succession – that is, the existence of an office of bishop derived from the apostles, to which individuals are ordained via laying on hands of other bishops, which is closely tied to the Eucharist and the Church itself – remained in place from the very beginning. Thus, without judging on the validity of any other denomination, the Christian groups which today claim apostolic succession are indeed in closer continuity with the Church of the apostles.

______________________________

[13] St Ignatius’ martyrdom is traditionally dated to the reign of Trajan (98–117), based on the fourth-century Church historian Eusebius of Caesarea, but some scholars now locate his martyrdom decades later in the 140s.

[14] A combination of these views is also possible, for example, if the presbytery derived from itinerant teachers in some areas and from the episcopate in other areas. Another view is that the episkopē, which in the first century carried the functions of teaching and exhorting alongside performing the sacraments, came to be divided in the second century between episkopos who retained sacramental primacy and presbyteroi who retained teaching authority: John D. Zizioulas, “Episkopé and Episkopos in the Early Church. A Brief Survey of the Evidence,” Theological Studies 41 (1980): 30-42. Any of these views is still compatible with apostolic succession, based on the simple fact that an office with the power to ordain (i.e., the episcopate) could legitimately give rise to an office without power to ordain (i.e., the presbytery), while the opposite wouldn’t be (legitimately) possible.

[15] This structure of bishop = the Father, presbyters = apostles, deacons = Jesus Christ can be found in various other texts. For example, Polycarp later exhorts the Church in Philippi to regard their presbyter-bishops as the Father and their deacons as Jesus Christ (Phil 5.3). The third-century Didascalia (2.26) shares the same threefold identification as St Ignatius.

[16] There were multiple congregations in Rome at this point, according to the Martyrdom of Justin 2. Therefore, it seems likely that each congregation was led by a presbyter-bishop and several deacons, while some also had a separate office of teachers.

[17] Tertullian’s views on this topic likely changed throughout his life, as his relationship with the institutional Church grew more strained: David Rankin, Tertullian and the Church (Cambridge, 1995). Notably, his view that the bishops were the successors of the apostles did not change, even though (due to his rigorist tendencies) he denied their claim to have the ability to forgive sins that the apostles had.

[18] In fact, in Syria and Asia Minor, the monoepiscopate may have been of apostolic origin, since the bishop lists record that St Polycarp was appointed by the apostle John (e.g., Tertullian, Praescr 32), and based on the letters of St Ignatius we know that he was the sole bishop of Smyrna.

[19] For various perspectives on ordination in third-century Alexandria – and the very interesting anecdote about ordination by a deceased bishop laying on hands – see Charles Gore, “On the Ordination of the Early Bishops of Alexandria,” Journal of Theological Studies 3 (1902): 278-282; Eric Waldram Kemp, “Bishops and Presbyters at Alexandria,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 6 (1955): 125-142; Alistair Stewart-Sykes, “Origen, Demetrius, and the Alexandrian Presbyters,” St Vladimir’s Theological Quarterly 48 (2004): 415-429.

[20] St Cyprian’s ecclesiology is well summed up in this statement: “Peter speaks there, on whom the Church was to be built, teaching and showing in the name of the Church, that although a rebellious and arrogant multitude of those who will not hear and obey may depart, yet the Church does not depart from Christ; and they are the Church who are a people united to the priest, and the flock which adheres to its pastor. Whence you ought to know that the bishop is in the Church, and the Church in the bishop; and if any one be not with the bishop, that he is not in the Church, and that those flatter themselves in vain who creep in, not having peace with God’s priests, and think that they communicate secretly with some; while the Church, which is Catholic and one, is not cut nor divided, but is indeed connected and bound together by the cement of priests who cohere with one another.” (Letter 68.8)

[21] On the emergence of the diocese and parish, see John D. Zizioulas, Eucharist, Bishop, Church: The Unity of the Church in the Divine Eucharist and the Bishop During the First Three Centuries (Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 2001), 195-246.

[22] Whereas the agreement was realized via councils, the shared communion was realized as members of different local Churches could receive the Eucharist at other congregations with a letter from their bishop, and bishops (in the second and third centuries) regularly 'conceded' the celebration of the Eucharist to other bishops with whom they were in communion: John D. Zizioulas, Eucharist, Bishop, Church, 150-159.

The orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation (part 2 of 3)

Part One     In this series of posts, we’re looking at the doctrine of the Incarnation as it was historically elaborated in the Christologic...